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• 1 2017-05-29T18:41:48+00:00 Raids on Cascoak, Saco & Newichiwannock, Fall 1675 36 image_header 2021-03-10T22:16:23+00:00
  When Wabanaki protectors began striking English settlements in their territory, in Fall 1675, they targeted colonial structures, including mills and houses-turned-garrisons, which had been built in the locations of traditional planting fields and fishing falls. Close kinship ties and extensive trade routes connected Wabanaki families throughout this region. These raids represented not only resistance to colonial logging operations and mills, but also the reclamation of Wabanaki planting towns, from Piscataqua to Pejebscot.
  
  This map of “Ancient Falmouth” shows "Ammoncongan falls," the traditional planting and fishing place on the Presumpscot River, to which Warrabitta and Skitterygusset's people belonged, with the “Kings Highway” going to the falls and George Munjoy's deed encompassing Ammongcongan and Sacarappa. These were vital locations for harnessing the river’s energy for colonial mills, especially to fuel logging operations on the Presumpscot River, but they were simultaneously vital Wabanaki fisheries and subsistence grounds. These conflicts over the falls would continue for decades, culminating in the fifth Abenaki-Anglo war (King George's War) of 1744-9. Ammoncongan was also the site of one of the first raids on the northern front, on September 12, 1675 at the recently built home of John Wakely, three-quarters of a mile below the mill at Presumpscot falls, in the territory of Caskoak.
  
  Note that the "Kings Highway” was a rough cart road from from Kittery to Falmouth (Portland), the only colonial road that connected the northern settlements to Massachusetts Bay. Contrast this "road" with the extensive network of Wabanaki trails and canoe routes. (Ammoncongan, on the Presumpscot, should not be confused with the similarly named fishing falls on the upper Androscoggin)
  
  In mid-September, protectors also struck at Owascoag, where Warrabitta and her mother had planted, killing Lieutenant John Alger in an ambush, and also his brother Arthur, then destroying several houses, including those belonging to Alger descendants. At about the same time, a large group of protectors traveled over the Saco River to strike the mills on the lower Saco Falls, burning a saw mill and grist mill belonging to Major Phillips.[1] The lower falls was a key fishing location, but these strikes may have also been aiming to prevent settlers from moving upriver, to other vital falls.
   
  Mills were not only a sign of colonial imposition, but an obstruction which interfered with the passage of the anadromous fish, like salmon and shad, that swam upriver to their spawning grounds. In addition to supporting the construction of English settlements, the mills were closely tied to colonial industries, including the Atlantic fishery and lumber export.
   
  As historian Mary Beth Norton has observed, “In 1675, about 440 fishing boats operated off the coast between Boston and the Kennebec…and at least fifty sawmills each produced up to a thousand feet a day of white pine boards.” The immense white pines, which grew to three hundred feet tall, were in high demand, both for masts reserved for the English king’s ships, and for construction. To the south, New Hampshire settlers, including the trader Richard Waldron, had established a colony based on the new lumber economy. Among the first saw and grist mills were those built at major fishing falls at Newichiwanock, Cocheco, and Caskoak, and the number of mills, built on Wabanaki rivers, increased tremendously in the decades that followed. The settlements of Cocheco (Dover), Oyster River (Durham) and Newichiwannock (Salmon Falls/South Berwick) were “the sites of large numbers of sawmills.” “All” of these “towns,” Massachusetts minister William Hubbard observed, were “seated upon” rivers “whose streams are principally improved for driving of saw mills, those late inventions so useful for the destruction of wood and timber, especially fir trees which do so abound on those coasts, that there is scarce a river or creek in those parts that hath not some of those engines erected upon them.” Yet at the upriver Piscataqua settlements such as “Salmon Falls, Newichiwannock, Cocheco and Oyster River,” deforestation was occurring at too rapid a pace for production. As Hubbard observed, their “rift timber is near all consumed,” with the trade turning to “deal boards cut by those saw mills.” [1] 
  
  
  In September and October, Wabanaki protectors struck Newichiwannock, where settlers had taken over the fertile planting fields and vital fishing falls. Hopehood, a leader whose kinship ties connected multiple Wabanaki homelands, led a party from Ossipee, to strike a garrison house belonging to Richard Tozier, which was built on fertile land along the Newichiwannock River, above the falls at Quamphegan. At the time, Tozier was with Captain John Wincoll, attempting to engage "enemy Indians" at Winter Harbor (Biddeford Pool), at the mouth of the Saco River. The next day, Hopehood and his company targeted Wincoll's large settlement, above Tozier's garrison. Wincoll had constructed one of the first mills at Newichiwannock and was deeply invested in the production of the sawmills, holding "extensive grants of land and lumber above the Falls.” According to William Williamson, they “set fire to the dwellinghouse and buildings of Capt. Wincoln, which which were standing near the upper mills, and reduced them and their contents to ashes," including "one of his barns containing more than 100 bushels of corn.” Two weeks later, Wabanaki protectors struck Tozier's garrison again and ambushed a group of colonial militia, led by lieutenant Roger Plaisted. [3]
  
  It was the "saw-mills on the Great Works River," at the confluence with the Newichiwannock or Salmon Falls River, that "attracted settlers to" Quamphegan, and they soon took up "all the river lots" granted by local colonial leaders. An earlier deed marked by the sachem Rowls had allowed the trader Humphrey Chadbourne land and water power rights at Quamphegan, while reserving subsistence rights for Rowls and his people. Chadbourne's mill right was then sold and transferred through several hands, while the extensive mills were built into "the Great Works" and then fell into disrepair, until William Hutchinson and his brother "got possession of the property and rented it to various tenants, the chief of whom was Roger Plaisted.” Thus, Wabanaki people would have associated Plaisted with the mill that he ran, and where he lived, not just with the garrison house he converted for war. They may have targeted Plaisted for his dual roll in operating the sawmill at the fishing falls at Quamphegan and leading a military company to assert and defend those rights against Wabanaki protectors. At Cocheco, the trader and military commander Richard Waldron feared his garrison house, barns and mills were next. The raids not only impacted colonial settlements, but the transatlantic colonial economy.[4]
  
  The first act of war on the Northern Front, as colonial narrators wrote the story, was the raid on Thomas Purchase’s trading post, at Pejebscot, on the lower Androscoggin river, on September 5, 1675. Purchase was among those traders known for their false dealings, including the use of liquor, to swindle Native people of their goods and their land. This was especially troublesome in Wabanaki territory, where trade networks were designed to build and maintain relationships of reciprocity and exchange, a powerful form of diplomacy. When these networks broke down, or were disrupted, as they were here, war was one form of restoring the balance.
   
  The reputation of traders had only suffered more as the price of moose skins plummeted in the 1670s. Moose, like beaver, had previously been coveted in England, where moose hide, thick with fur, became quite “fashionable.” However, with the decline in fur and fashion, hunters received less goods for their hides, which they perceived as a serious infringement of reciprocal relations. Ordinarily plentiful in the north woods, moose also provided an essential winter food source for families, but, like beaver, the moose population had declined with the increasing demands of the fur trade. This was one of the reasons why the confiscation of weapons, alongside an embargo on the sale of guns, powder and shot, was so devastating to families on the Kennebec, making winter hunting and survival all the more difficult. Combined with logging and mills on the rivers, subsistence was compromised on multiple fronts.[5]
   

  ---

  [1] James Phinney Baxter, ed., Documentary History of the State of Maine (Baxter Manuscripts) (Portland, ME: Maine Historical Society, 1900), 6:93-6.
  [2] Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 (New York: Vintage Books, 2003) 85. Emerson Baker, “Finding the Almouchiquois: Native American Families, Territories, and Land Sales in Southern Maine,” Ethnohistory 51, no. 1 (2004): 73–100. Emerson Baker and John Reid, “Amerindian Power in the Early Modern Northeast: A Reappraisal,” William and Mary Quarterly 61, no. 1 (2004). Emerson Baker, “Trouble to the Eastward: The Failure of Anglo-Indian Relations in Early Maine” (PhD diss., College of William and Mary, 1986). Kenneth Morrison, The Embattled Northeast (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). Gideon Ridlon, Saco Valley Settlements and Families: Historical, Biographical, Genealogical, Traditional, and Legendary (1895) (Somersworth, NH: New England History Press, 1984), 191. also James Sullivan, History of District of Maine (Boston: Thomas and Andrews, 1795), 246. William Hubbard, A History of the Indian Wars in New England, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake (Roxbury, MA: W. E. Woodward, 1865), 250. William Williamson, History of the State of Maine (Hallowell, ME: Glazier, Masters and Co., 1832). William Willis, History of Portland from 1632 to 1864 (Portland, ME: Bailey and Noyes, 1865).
  [3] Williamson, History of the State of Maine, 524-5. William Hubbard, A History of the Indian Wars in New England, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake (Roxbury, MA: W. E. Woodward, 1865), 113-5, 118-124. Everett Schermerhorn Stackpole, Old Kittery and Her Families (Kittery, ME: Press of Lewiston journal Company, 1903), 106-112, 128-134.
  [4] Williamson, History of the State of Maine, 524-5. William Hubbard, History of the Indian Wars, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake, 117-124. Stackpole, Old Kittery, 106-112, 128-134. "Forgotten Frontiers" Exhibit, Old Berwick Historical Society, South Berwick, Maine.
  [5] Baker, “Trouble to the Eastward," 142-6. Morrison, Embattled Northeast, 89.
  
  
   
• 1 ../media/images/presumpscot-river-IMG-PP-6.jpg 2017-05-29T18:42:10+00:00 The Queen of Caskoak 34 image_header 2019-05-31T20:32:26+00:00 In A Voyage to New England, Christopher Levett described witnessing, and participating in, a Council among Indigenous leaders at the traditional meeting place of Caskoak, the place of herons, which he called “Quack.” He remarked that a woman, whom he only called “the Queen of Quack,” was the saunkskwa of this place. She formally welcomed Levett and the other visitors to her territory. There, he observed many places for fishing, including cod in Casco Bay, salmon on the Presumpscot River (pictured above), wild “fowl,” and “as much good ground as any can desire,” referring to the fertile planting grounds along the river. Caskoak was an ideal place for planting, fresh and saltwater fishing, and hunting, but it was also at the center of trade, facilitating distribution between communities to the south and northeast, as well as into the interior mountains. Even from the coast, Levett could see the “Christall hill,” or Wawôbadenik (White Mountains) to which the Queen’s territory was connected by waterways and paths.
  This place, which the English later called “Falmouth” then Portland (Maine), has multiple names. Caskoak evokes its identity as a meeting place, a confluence, a site of exchange and diplomacy. Recalling its other name, Machigonne ("it is bad" or "it does bad") Maliseet author Mihku Paul evokes its history of colonization and war, including the violence against its other-than-human inhabitants in her poem, “A Song for Machigonne.”

  A Song for Machigonne
   
  Machigonne your truest name
  before the French and English came to raid 
  the land of her tallest trees and pull the fish from 
  her blue knee.
  The fur they took in trade for pots and drink and 
  rusty blades, could not sate their endless hunger or abate
  their supernatural greed.
  Oh, Machigonne, your name is dust.
  You have begun to bleed.
   
  Casco, now, is how they call the great neck as the mighty trees fall.
  Land divided among men is stolen once again.
  Waymouth kidnaps five of us before Gorges and John Mason arrive
  to claim the eastern lands, and now we die and die.
  The treaties cannot last when traders block the fish from 
  moving past, cows trample our corn, yet you say
  we are a thorn in your side.
  You are the ones who cannot abide by your own laws.
   
  When we fight, we have just cause to grieve for Machigonne
  and those who now walk beyond this world.
  French or English, we must choose or so you say, if not
  to lose the land we hold most dear.
  We come away only to starve anew and now 
  our hearts are hard.
   
  In spring of 1690, we gathered with Castine, our anger risen like the
  streams you choked with nets to starve our kin, we followed one
  trusted chief whose child the Baron sought to keep.
  Madockawando leads the men and killing will begin.
  Just for today we are many and will break our anger on your flesh,
  burn your walls to nothingness.
  Four hundred fighting men and more, with French to batter down 
  the door, we come to Machigonne to prove 
  Fort Loyal cannot stand
  against our warring hand.
   
  An English is a worse brigand than any Frenchman, so they tell us
  when we fight and burn your forts down in the night.
  We aren’t the ones you trusted to survive with white flag
  waving before your eyes.
  That was Burneiffe, who was in charge of 
  keeping order and giving quarter.
  To trust is almost always wise but not to trust your English lies.
  Thus you learn the bitter price you pay for our forgiveness.
   
  Six wars were fought here, laying claim to land that 
  many tried to tame until we finally surrendered,
  Penobscots, Micmacs, Malecite, Abenaki with little left 
  you had not plundered from our dawnland home.
  The “Beaver Wars” were fought for pelts,
  King Philip’s War, abuse of trade, and Squando’s child, 
  drowned just to see if he could swim, like some wild river otter.
  Then scalp hunters seeking bounty came to Machigonne again.
  King William’s War was fought for land, Fort William Henry could not stand against
  Abenaki and French, who drove the English from the lower Kennebec.
  In 1701 Queen Anne’s War came to our shores, when,
  once again French and English wanted more and more and more.
  Greedy bullets, dripping blades, smoking battlements laid waste and always
  we must take a side, knowing we can no longer hide from settlers 
  thick as leaves on trees, coveting everything they see.
  Dummer’s War for William Dummer, who sent Colonel Westbrook to
  burn our homes and fields and starve us out.
  Norridgewock fell, one hundred dead.
  Pigwacket too, and if you wore the other shoe it would be dipped in red.
  At last your war with France burned high, for seven years, and we had
  nothing left to lose when forced to choose between 
  the evils that befell our people.
   
  One in four of us was dead, gone to the wind and finally you said the line was 
  drawn in seventeen and fifty-nine, the words you give to white man’s time.
  You name our demise victorious, so-called history and glory
  fought for land paid in blood and bone.
  Machigonne was just one, first become Casco, then Old Falmouth,
  finally as the years wore on, Portland, Maine was born.
  The massacre you blame us for is but the story of your shame,
  and those sins for which you must atone.
  Machigonne was not your own.

  
  
• 1 2017-08-02T16:30:43+00:00 Peter Jethro and the Capture of Monoco 23 image_header 2019-06-03T16:22:20+00:00 In his Relation, Increase Mather exclaimed, “That abominable Indian Peter Jethro betrayed his own Father and other Indians of his own special Acquaintance, unto Death. Many of the Nipmuc Indians who were wont to lay Snares for others, were at last themselves taken by a Stratagem, and brought to deserved Execution.” Mather referred to the capture of several key Nipmuc leaders, as well as Peter's father “Old Jethro” or Tantamous, who were sent down to Boston from Cocheco, then executed on Windmill Hill. However, in this statement, Mather obscured the complex context of their capture by attributing a singular betrayal to the Nipmuc convert, Peter Jethro, who was seemingly able to accomplish, through “stratagem” what the colonial troops and scouts under Captain Hunting could not. Peter Jethro’s story, as it unravels, raises more questions than answers about the "second company" that came down from Cocheco.[1]
   
  On September 23, 1676, Samuel Sewall noted in his diary that “One-ey’d John [Monoco], with about 45 of your Southern Indians, have been apprehended since the Souldiers went Eastward. This group included “a Sagamore of Quapaug,” referring to Muttaump.[2] The passive voice is notable here, as none of these captives were taken by the “souldiers.” Both Increase Mather and William Hubbard placed the blame for this “betrayal” solely on Peter Jethro, displacing the role of Cocheco trader Richard Waldron as well as the Massachusetts leaders who recruited Jethro and other scouts. If Captain Hunting’s “soldiers” had such trouble locating Indians in their expeditions on the Wabanaki coast, ranging north of Cocheco, how is it that a singular scout was able to capture so many “southern Indians” who had taken refuge in the north, including three formidable leaders?
  
   

  "Life and Liberty": Two Spies and an Offer of Amnesty

  On August 28, 1676, the Massachusetts Council ordered Gookin to recruit at least “two Indians” to serve as “spies among the enemy.” These spies were empowered to give “assurance” to other Native people in the Nipmuc, Penacook and Wabanaki countries, particularly those who held English captives, that “in case they will come in & Submitt themselves to ye mercy of” the colonial “government” they would “have their lives given them & freed from foreign slavery.” This message was similar to the offer of amnesty that had been extended to James Printer and his relations, and was likely an immediate context for Shoshanim's effort to "obtain peace" at Cocheco, just days after this order. But it also offers an explanation for the capture of Monoco and Tantamous, or Old Jethro. Shortly after the “surprise” at Cocheco, Richard Waldron reported that two Native women came in to Cocheco “informing that one eyed John [Monoco] & [old] Jethro were designing ye Surprizing of Canonicus,” the Narragansett sachem, and that they desired to speak with “some of our old men” to seek their advice. Waldron reported that he sent someone, perhaps Peter Jethro, abroad to “further the design,” which may have included not only the capture of Canonicus, but of Monoco and the other leaders. Waldron later acknowledged in a letter to Daniel Gookin that he had given Peter Jethro incentive for the capture of Monoco, and Peter insisted he had been promised "life and liberty" for this service. Perhaps both Nashaway leaders, Monoco and Shoshanim, were induced to come in under the offer of peace and amnesty.[3]
  
  If they came in under the promise of life and liberty, Monoco and “Old Jethro” may have offered Canonicus, a highly valued captive in exchange. Indeed, Waldron's report conflicts with another report from Cocheco, recorded by Samuel Sewell in his diary, that Mohawks had taken Canonicus, perhaps a cover for the more complicated context of captivity and coercion. While Monoco and Shoshanim had played highly visible roles in the war, Old Jethro had not. He merely escaped from Natick as Captain Prentice rounded up the residents for Deer Island, bringing his family with him. He found protection among the Nipmucs, but there is no evidence he participated in any raids or ambushes. Rather, he was likely among the many noncombatants who came in seeking peace and amnesty.[4]
   
  Was Peter Jethro scouting with a large group, like Captain Hunting’s scouts? Or did he act on his own, with a small company, recruited by Gookin and Waldron? Were there groups of scouts that left with orders, from Cocheco, which were not reported back to Boston (or for which the records no longer exist)? Did Peter Jethro travel from Cocheco to the upper Merrimack, pursuing the Nashaway men at Penacook, where they may have been among the people sheltered with Wanalancet? Or were they among the resistance at Ossipee? Were they persuaded to come into Cocheco under the pretense of peace, or taken by ambush and force?
   
  Peter Jethro’s relationship to the captured men is worth considering. Peter may have had a personal motivation for tracking down Monoco, in addition to the promise of his own “life and liberty.” Peter and his father were among those captives taken at Okkanamesit, along with James Printer, and imprisoned for the false charge of murdering settlers at Lancaster, a raid which Monoco had led. Moreover, both Monoco and Shoshanim had been at Weshawkim in 1674 when Gookin sent Peter Jethro to pursue missionary efforts at Nashaway, an overture that was not welcomed, especially given the missionaries’ efforts to influence governance at Nashaway through the guise of religious concern. Perhaps, in Peter Jethro’s mind, turning the Nashaway war leader in to the men at Cocheco and Boston signaled a kind of justice. Yet, Peter had also served as scribe for Shoshanim and the Nipmuc sachems, writing one of the letters that led to Mary Rowlandson’s release from Wachusett. Was Peter someone Shoshanim thought he could trust? And what role did his father play? Josiah Temple suggests the elder, a traditional spiritual man, resisted missionary overtures, a clear divide between father and son, and that Peter “had been so long under the instruction of the English, that he had become almost one of them.” Was there enmity between Peter Jethro and his father? Did he truly betray his own father, or did he imagine that he could also advocate for his father’s “liberty”? Did he know that “Old Jethro” would face execution, that the rest of his family would be shipped into slavery? Did he bargain their lives for his individual salvation? [5]
   
  Even after this “betrayal,” Peter could not even guarantee his own “life and liberty.” When Daniel Gookin pressed Richard Waldron, the trader replied through correspondence that he had only promised that if Peter were “Instrumental” in bringing in Monoco, he “would acquaint ye Governor with what service he had done & Improve my Interest in his behalfe.” Monoco’s execution in Boston was not enough to guarantee Peter’s protection. However, with Gookin’s advocacy, Peter Jethro ultimately earned his life and liberty, later appearing on numerous deeds and other documents as Massachusetts colony sought to confirm its titles to land in Nipmuc country after the war.[6] 
   

  ---

  [1] Increase Mather, A Relation of the Troubles Which Have Happened in New England, ed. Samuel G. Drake (Boston, 1864), 257-8. Diary of Increase Mather, March, 1675-December, 1676, ed. Samuel A. Green (Cambridge, J. Wilson, 1900), 47.  William Hubbard, A History of the Indian Wars in New England, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake (Roxbury, MA: W.E. Woodward, 1865), 133. George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Philip’s War (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1906), 307-9.

  [2] The Diary of Samuel Sewall: 1674–1729, ed. M. Halsey Thomas (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1973), 23.

  [3] Bodge, Soldiers, 307-9. Massachusetts Council to Daniel Gookin, August 28, 1676, Massachusetts Archives 30:214, 30:226. Samuel Gardner Drake, The Book of the Indians (Boston: Antiquarian Bookstore, 1841) 3:81. J. H. Temple, History of Framingham, Massachusetts (Town of Framingham, 1887), 51-2. 
  [4]Diary of Samuel Sewall, 22-24. Temple, History of Framingham, 51-2.

  [5] Drake, Book of the Indians 3:81. Daniel Gookin, Historical Collections of the Indians of New England (1674) (North Stratford, NH: Ayer, 2000), 53-4. Temple, History of Framingham, 51-2.

  [6] Bodge, Soldiers, 309. Daniel Mandell, Behind the Frontier: Indians in Eighteenth-Century Eastern Massachusetts (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), 32. See also Mary de Witt Freeland, The Records of Oxford, Massachusetts (Albany: Joel Munsell's Sons, 1894), 126
• 1 2021-03-10T14:47:19+00:00 Raids on Cascoak, Saco & Newichiwannock, Fall 1675 2 image_header 2021-03-10T15:54:53+00:00
  When Wabanaki protectors began striking English settlements in their territory, in Fall 1675, they targeted colonial structures, including mills and houses-turned-garrisons, which had been built in the locations of traditional planting fields and fishing falls. Close kinship ties and extensive trade routes connected Wabanaki families throughout this region. These raids represented not only resistance to colonial logging operations and mills, but also the reclamation of Wabanaki planting towns, from Piscataqua to Pejebscot.
  
  This map of “Ancient Falmouth” shows "Ammoncongan falls," the traditional planting and fishing place on the Presumpscot River, to which Warrabitta and Skitterygusset's people belonged, with the “Kings Highway” going to the falls and George Munjoy's deed encompassing Ammongcongan and Sacarappa. These were vital locations for harnessing the river’s energy for colonial mills, especially to fuel logging operations on the Presumpscot River, but they were simultaneously vital Wabanaki fisheries and subsistence grounds. These conflicts over the falls would continue for decades, culminating in the fifth Abenaki-Anglo war (King George's War) of 1744-9. Ammoncongan was also the site of one of the first raids on the northern front, on September 12, 1675 at the recently built home of John Wakely, three-quarters of a mile below the mill at Presumpscot falls, in the territory of Caskoak.
  
  Note that the "Kings Highway” was a rough cart road from from Kittery to Falmouth (Portland), the only colonial road that connected the northern settlements to Massachusetts Bay. Contrast this "road" with the extensive network of Wabanaki trails and canoe routes. (Ammoncongan, on the Presumpscot, should not be confused with the similarly named fishing falls on the upper Androscoggin)
  
  In mid-September, protectors also struck at Owascoag, where Warrabitta and her mother had planted, killing Lieutenant John Alger in an ambush, and also his brother Arthur, then destroying several houses, including those belonging to Alger descendants. At about the same time, a large group of protectors traveled over the Saco River to strike the mills on the lower Saco Falls, burning a saw mill and grist mill belonging to Major Phillips.[1] The lower falls was a key fishing location, but these strikes may have also been aiming to prevent settlers from moving upriver, to other vital falls.
   
  Mills were not only a sign of colonial imposition, but an obstruction which interfered with the passage of the anadromous fish, like salmon and shad, that swam upriver to their spawning grounds. In addition to supporting the construction of English settlements, the mills were closely tied to colonial industries, including the Atlantic fishery and lumber export.
   
  As historian Mary Beth Norton has observed, “In 1675, about 440 fishing boats operated off the coast between Boston and the Kennebec…and at least fifty sawmills each produced up to a thousand feet a day of white pine boards.” The immense white pines, which grew to three hundred feet tall, were in high demand, both for masts reserved for the English king’s ships, and for construction. To the south, New Hampshire settlers, including the trader Richard Waldron, had established a colony based on the new lumber economy. Among the first saw and grist mills were those built at major fishing falls at Newichiwanock, Cocheco, and Caskoak, and the number of mills, built on Wabanaki rivers, increased tremendously in the decades that followed. The settlements of Cocheco (Dover), Oyster River (Durham) and Newichiwannock (Salmon Falls/South Berwick) were “the sites of large numbers of sawmills.” “All” of these “towns,” Massachusetts minister William Hubbard observed, were “seated upon” rivers “whose streams are principally improved for driving of saw mills, those late inventions so useful for the destruction of wood and timber, especially fir trees which do so abound on those coasts, that there is scarce a river or creek in those parts that hath not some of those engines erected upon them.” Yet at the upriver Piscataqua settlements such as “Salmon Falls, Newichiwannock, Cocheco and Oyster River,” deforestation was occurring at too rapid a pace for production. As Hubbard observed, their “rift timber is near all consumed,” with the trade turning to “deal boards cut by those saw mills.” [1] 
  
  
  In September and October, Wabanaki protectors struck Newichiwannock, where settlers had taken over the fertile planting fields and vital fishing falls. Hopehood, a leader whose kinship ties connected multiple Wabanaki homelands, led a party from Ossipee, to strike a garrison house belonging to Richard Tozier, which was built on fertile land along the Newichiwannock River, above the falls at Quamphegan. At the time, Tozier was with Captain John Wincoll, attempting to engage "enemy Indians" at Winter Harbor (Biddeford Pool), at the mouth of the Saco River. The next day, Hopehood and his company targeted Wincoll's large settlement, above Tozier's garrison. Wincoll had constructed one of the first mills at Newichiwannock and was deeply invested in the production of the sawmills, holding "extensive grants of land and lumber above the Falls.” According to William Williamson, they “set fire to the dwellinghouse and buildings of Capt. Wincoln, which which were standing near the upper mills, and reduced them and their contents to ashes," including "one of his barns containing more than 100 bushels of corn.” Two weeks later, Wabanaki protectors struck Tozier's garrison again and ambushed a group of colonial militia, led by lieutenant Roger Plaisted. [3]
  
  It was the "saw-mills on the Great Works River," at the confluence with the Newichiwannock or Salmon Falls River, that "attracted settlers to" Quamphegan, and they soon took up "all the river lots" granted by local colonial leaders. An earlier deed marked by the sachem Rowls had allowed the trader Humphrey Chadbourne land and water power rights at Quamphegan, while reserving subsistence rights for Rowls and his people. Chadbourne's mill right was then sold and transferred through several hands, while the extensive mills were built into "the Great Works" and then fell into disrepair, until William Hutchinson and his brother "got possession of the property and rented it to various tenants, the chief of whom was Roger Plaisted.” Thus, Wabanaki people would have associated Plaisted with the mill that he ran, and where he lived, not just with the garrison house he converted for war. They may have targeted Plaisted for his dual roll in operating the sawmill at the fishing falls at Quamphegan and leading a military company to assert and defend those rights against Wabanaki protectors. At Cocheco, the trader and military commander Richard Waldron feared his garrison house, barns and mills were next. The raids not only impacted colonial settlements, but the transatlantic colonial economy.[4]
  
  The first act of war on the Northern Front, as colonial narrators wrote the story, was the raid on Thomas Purchase’s trading post, at Pejebscot, on the lower Androscoggin river, on September 5, 1675. Purchase was among those traders known for their false dealings, including the use of liquor, to swindle Native people of their goods and their land. This was especially troublesome in Wabanaki territory, where trade networks were designed to build and maintain relationships of reciprocity and exchange, a powerful form of diplomacy. When these networks broke down, or were disrupted, as they were here, war was one form of restoring the balance.
   
  The reputation of traders had only suffered more as the price of moose skins plummeted in the 1670s. Moose, like beaver, had previously been coveted in England, where moose hide, thick with fur, became quite “fashionable.” However, with the decline in fur and fashion, hunters received less goods for their hides, which they perceived as a serious infringement of reciprocal relations. Ordinarily plentiful in the north woods, moose also provided an essential winter food source for families, but, like beaver, the moose population had declined with the increasing demands of the fur trade. This was one of the reasons why the confiscation of weapons, alongside an embargo on the sale of guns, powder and shot, was so devastating to families on the Kennebec, making winter hunting and survival all the more difficult. Combined with logging and mills on the rivers, subsistence was compromised on multiple fronts.[5]
   

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  [1] James Phinney Baxter, ed., Documentary History of the State of Maine (Baxter Manuscripts) (Portland, ME: Maine Historical Society, 1900), 6:93-6.
  [2] Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 (New York: Vintage Books, 2003) 85. Emerson Baker, “Finding the Almouchiquois: Native American Families, Territories, and Land Sales in Southern Maine,” Ethnohistory 51, no. 1 (2004): 73–100. Emerson Baker and John Reid, “Amerindian Power in the Early Modern Northeast: A Reappraisal,” William and Mary Quarterly 61, no. 1 (2004). Emerson Baker, “Trouble to the Eastward: The Failure of Anglo-Indian Relations in Early Maine” (PhD diss., College of William and Mary, 1986). Kenneth Morrison, The Embattled Northeast (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). Gideon Ridlon, Saco Valley Settlements and Families: Historical, Biographical, Genealogical, Traditional, and Legendary (1895) (Somersworth, NH: New England History Press, 1984), 191. also James Sullivan, History of District of Maine (Boston: Thomas and Andrews, 1795), 246. William Hubbard, A History of the Indian Wars in New England, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake (Roxbury, MA: W. E. Woodward, 1865), 250. William Williamson, History of the State of Maine (Hallowell, ME: Glazier, Masters and Co., 1832). William Willis, History of Portland from 1632 to 1864 (Portland, ME: Bailey and Noyes, 1865).
  [3] Williamson, History of the State of Maine, 524-5. William Hubbard, A History of the Indian Wars in New England, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake (Roxbury, MA: W. E. Woodward, 1865), 113-5, 118-124. Everett Schermerhorn Stackpole, Old Kittery and Her Families (Kittery, ME: Press of Lewiston journal Company, 1903), 106-112, 128-134.
  [4] Williamson, History of the State of Maine, 524-5. William Hubbard, History of the Indian Wars, ed. Samuel Gardner Drake, 117-124. Stackpole, Old Kittery, 106-112, 128-134. "Forgotten Frontiers" Exhibit, Old Berwick Historical Society, South Berwick, Maine.
  [5] Baker, “Trouble to the Eastward," 142-6. Morrison, Embattled Northeast, 89.